Canada’s faux-democracy – a phenomenon I described in my 2021 short e-book – continues to thrive three years later.

My guide to Canada’s faux-democracy and how to fix it is a practical one. It is informed not by any top-down academic, legal, or political approach. Rather, it reflects my hands-on, practical experience in the undemocratic underbelly of party politics. It is shaped, as well, by what I learned building a broad non-partisan coalition of Canadians from 1987 to 1992 to oppose successfully the misguided constitutional proposals supported by all the leaders of the established political parties. (See my comments on “Why Meech and Charlottetown matter: lessons in citizen mobilization” in Chapter 2 of Canada’s Faux Democracy).

My observations and suggestions to strengthen democracy set out in the 2021 guide require no substantive updates on the eve of another election. Unfortunately, the Trudeau government has simply further entrenched faux-democracy in the intervening years.

Today, the desperate efforts of Justin Trudeau to cling to power at all costs reveals a level of narcissism that might even humble Donald Trump, were that possible.

Trudeau’s government is as irritating as the unproductive cough that lingers after a bout with COVID-19. The remaining shell of a Liberal Party faces a well-deserved annihilation at the polls.

In 2024, Canadians have no confidence in governments’ ability to help us improve our standards of living, future prospects, and happiness. Too many of us face long-term stagnation of incomes, with high inflation now reducing real incomes further and making basic necessities like food and shelter unaffordable.

Canadians’ cynicism is all-pervasive and baked in, and we welcome a federal election and change of government.

Disillusioned and disaffected Canadians are coalescing behind Pierre Poilievre and the Conservative Party, not because of ideology or partisanship, and in spite of the widespread distrust of political parties generally. The Conservative Party is now seen as the only credible agent of disruptive change.

Canadians are ready for a new government at the federal level that will shake things up and restore Canada’s coherence both domestically and internationally. But we also want the government to respect the principle of holding power in trust for the people, and stop the dangerous drift to faux-democracy. (See my comments on “Reforming representative institutions and practices” in Part II of Canada’s Faux Democracy).

As Pierre Poilievre and the Conservative Party develop policy directions in more detail, the references to removing the “gatekeepers” in government operations, and instilling more common-sense coherence within the federation, are resonating with voters. Depending on the implementation of these concepts, the next government could be a positive game-changer.

For example, removing gatekeepers and delivering federal government services more effectively and efficiently cannot mean only blunt public service cutbacks. Much needs to be done to improve the public service. And something as simple as authorizing those on the frontlines to exercise discretion and systematically cut through tangled messes of rules and directives could make a huge difference in starting to provide Canadians with much easier access to government services.

Instilling greater coherence within our federation must mean ensuring the federal government collaborates effectively at all times with other levels of governments to harmonize crucial inter-jurisdictional initiatives. This is particularly urgent in order to strengthen Canada’s hand in international negotiations.

For example, we have failed over and over again to eliminate the mess of costly inter-provincial barriers that impede citizen mobility and the movement of goods and services across the country.

Now we are dangerously vulnerable to being picked apart by Trump and his team in upcoming Canada-US negotiations – witness the chaotic responses of the prime minister and the premiers to Trump’s random but very real threats relating to North American trade, defence, and border issues.

The next federal government must fix our ability to pull together with a shared national purpose and clearly-articulated, coherent policy positions, or see Canada drawn more and more into the U.S. orbit with less and less influence. It must also immediately reverse Canada’s already diminished credibility in international forums outside North America, and make sure we pull our weight in NATO and elsewhere.

The time is overdue to introduce a more formal intergovernmental structure that goes beyond the insular, ad hoc First Ministers’ Conferences and the provinces-only, misleadingly-named Council of the Federation. The new structure would operate with a high degree of transparency, accessible to Canadians, and bring Canadian governments together to harmonize interjurisdictional initiatives and goals and improve accountability for intergovernmental fiscal transfers. (See my detailed comments on “Fixing federal dysfunction” in Chapters 10 and 11 of Canada’s Faux Democracy).

Serious efforts to instill greater coherence within our federation and build a new intergovernmental structure will eventually raise issues about how to accommodate, if necessary, a different status for Quebec.

Many Canadians believe even now that we cannot continue to accommodate persistent demands from a Quebec government, whatever its political stripe, to resist/block federal initiatives in Quebec and prevent constructive collaboration with other Canadian governments. And we are left with Trudeau’s regrettable legacy of having conceded to Quebec’s immigration demands and standing down on unconstitutional Quebec initiatives like Bill 21 and Bill 96, and the use of the notwithstanding clause (See my comments on “Reigning in faux-democrats” in Chapter 5 of Canada’s Faux Democracy).

Our next federal government will be led by a non-Quebecer and will face a parliament with a strong Bloc Québécois presence. Separatist sentiment is rising in the Quebec government with calls for another referendum to separate from Canada.

Thirty years after the last separation referendum in 1995, there is no longer any sentiment among Canadians outside Quebec for a rest-of-Canada effort begging Quebec to stay.

Our next federal government must be prepared for the need to call a national referendum on any proposed Quebec separation, just as there was a national referendum in 1992 on the Charlottetown Accord. Ask Canadians – including Quebecers – once and for all whether we want to stay together and on what conditions.

One last point: our next federal government must firmly challenge narrow diasporic political groups in Canada whose leadership, whether inside or outside Canada (see foreign interference in our party nominations process), too often undermine our ability to build the principled, coherent civic consciousness/identity we need to strengthen democracy.

Canadians want to pull together to build a uniquely compassionate and productive country that is more than a sum of fragmented parts. We need our federal government, the one government elected by all Canadians, to fully support our collective efforts.